(Narayan Prasad Ghimire)
Kathmandu, 23 Sept 2025: "What's the guarantee we will have adequate safety though we're firm to rise from the ashes?"
It was what a business leader questioned during a programme organized by the journalists of economic beat in the federal capital, Kathmandu on September 23.
The business leader was Hemraj Dhakal, Vice President of the Federation of Nepalese Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FNCCI), expressing worry over the present devastation of property and demanding ample security for the businesspersons to contribute to development works through businesses in the country. His view reflects industrialists' determination, but suspicion galore.
Blight in Nepal's history
Of course, the demonstration begun peacefully at a call of Gen-Z on September 8, demanding good governance and lift on ban of social media, turned vehement and violent which not only cost a huge loss of lives but also the physical property. Compared to the time- only two days, September 8 and 9, the protest's scale of loss and damage was unprecedented. It undoubtedly remains a severe blight in Nepal's sociopolitical and economic history.
The anti-corruption demonstration was a mighty force, as it immediately defenestrated Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli; facilitated in placing a new government under the leadership of former Chief Justice Sushila Karki with the mandate of new election to House of Representatives (HoR) coming March 5.
The political parties, which continuously pressed President Ramchandra Paudel in the most difficult moment of navigating to the crisis, to seek outlet to the political vacuum within constitution and from HoR, later objected to his move of endorsing the dissolution of the HoR. Indeed, it was a severe blow to the HoR members, but President explained he had no option at all at hand to save constitution and system.
President Paudel also reminded the political parties that it was a 'very tactful way' he adopted to neutralize the adverse circumstance and the political parties were responsible for winning again citizen's trust, maintain restraint and extend cooperation to hold successfully the March 5 election. The Head of the State reminded the parties for such by issuing a press statement on September 13 in response to their fuss over the HoR dissolution.
In a week plus following the devastation, a significant day was commemorated. It was worthy that most of the political parties, new government and even Gen-Z people celebrated the Constitution Day (Asoj 3). The Head of the State and the Head of the Government made special remarks. President Paudel underlined urgency of cooperation, while Prime Minister Karki argued it was bad-governance that was one of the factors leading to public disenchantment. Political parties and leaders celebrated the salient features of the constitution; however, few of them admitted the mistakes they did in the past in not enforcing constitution well.
Although different sectors are passing varied comments on why and how the Gen-Z protest occurred in the country that took a massive toll on human life and property, the most common is the bad governance- in the party organizations and in entire system. It emanated from and protected by political elites and further nurtured by their acolytes.
Indeed, irrespective of chanting the slogan of democracy, loktantra, progressive constitution and socialism, there is no denying that the political parties not only deviated from their party ideologies but also ditched the principles and practices of their own ideal political figures like BP Koirala, Krishna Prasad Bhattarai, Pushpa Lal, and Madan Bhandari. The staid demeanour and political acumen exercised by these iconic personalities fizzled out in the political landscape, thereby fueling extractive economic, political and institutional setups. Such setups brewed reeking corruption, toxic political-bureaucratic nexus, favouritism, and nepotism.
The nepotism and favouritism cultivated such a vicious syndicate that cabal and cartels got robust, and small businesses subsided; honest and wise got sidelined, incumbency in parties' leaderships cemented. It is worth-noting that nepotism was one of the targets of the Gen-Z people.
Fallacy of infallibility
In this connection, an international media, The Financial Times, wrote on September 15, quoting an author, Amish Mulmi, as saying, "The state continued to be unresponsive to the ordinary citizens' concerns and the prime ministers, and the political elite, continued to behave like they were the new kings, thinking no one could challenge them."
As commented, the political parties and their leaderships were facing severe trust deficit, but they were adamant that they were still finely relevant and essential to the system. Interestingly, they did not know or were almost ignorant over their gradual fall from grace. Now, the second and third-rung leaders of the parties- NC, UML, Maoist Centre, and even new ones are speaking against leaderships' relevance and capability- some vocally and some dimly.
The recent protest clearly shows that the political parties failed to win the trust, especially of the youths and teenagers. The rage against corruption was disenchantment towards politics, but also the parties' inaction to work adequately for employment creation, delivery of prompt public service and justice.
Correction and collaboration urgent
Disregarding the political foibles, failures and fiasco, there is no alternative to political parties in Nepal's democratic system. Nepal is a multi-party system. So, time has come for the parties to practically exercise democracy within their parties and in system. Correcting mistakes and extending collaboration to the government for democratic exercise, election, is essential.
Whether the HoR dissolution was constitutional is no more a pressing issue. The election, economic recovery and good governance are three key areas that require adequate debate, engagement and collaboration from all sides where political parties need to play vital role. Together, the robust peace and security cannot be ignored.